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Another Prof. Pollini Article. (Used with Prof. Pollini's Permission) Click Pink link for full PDF article titled:
RITUALIZING DEATH IN REBUBLICAN ROME: MEMORY, RELIGION, CLASS STRUGGLE, AND THE WAX ANCESTRAL MASK TRADITION'S ORIGIN AND INFLUENCE ON VERISTIC PORTRAITURE.

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"A PRE-PRINCIPATE PORTRAIT OF GAIUS (CALIGULA)?" By John Pollini The Journal of the Walters Art Gallery Volume 40 (1982) - Used with the kind permission of Prof. Pollini
A previously unpublished, under life-size head in The Walters Art Gallery is discussed here as a possible early portrait of Gaius (Caligula), created before he became Princeps (or "First Citizen") of the Roman state in 37 A.D. at the age of twenty-four. Comparisions are offered with other possible and established portraits of Gaius, and a stylistic analysis is presented.
Among the works Henry Walters aquired in 1902 with his purchase of the Massarenti collection is a Roman portrait head of approximately one-half life-size (Figs. Top photo and 2-5).1 It has never been previously published or, to my knowledge, even noted in the scholarly literature. Though not of high artistic quality, this sculpture is of particular interest because, as we shall see, it may be a rare portrait of Gaius (Caligula) before he came to power at the age of twenty-four, in 37 A.D.2 The Walters head, the original provenance of which is unknown, is of fine to medium crystalline white marble. The sculpture is finished except behind the ears and at the back of the head: the area behind the ear has not been carved out fully, while the individual hair locks at the back of the head have been only summarily indicated. The piece is exceedingly well preserved, with only a small gouge in the left cheek, a minor abrasion on the left side of the nose, and breaks and slight chipping at the base of the neck. The diagonal cut at the left side of the neck appears to be intentional rather than the result of an accidental fracture. The cut, the slight turning out of the marble at the left lower edge of the neck, and the traces of a rounded edge on the lower right border of the neck indicate that the base of the neck had once been fashioned into a tenon for insertion into a seperately carved statue body (now lost).3 The diagonal cut on the left side of the neck suggests that further that this statue body had been represented clothed in toga or with a military cloak draped over a cuirass or a tunic, with folds of drapery arranged on the left shoulder against the cut in the neck. A slightly yellowish patina covers the entire head, and traces of ferric oxide mottle much of the surface. Dark brown, specle -like accrections appear on the hair and face, especially in the tear ducts, nostrils, mouth and ears. In the right eye, disoloration caused by the ferric oxcide gives the false impression of a painted iris. There are in fact no remaining traces of paint in the eyes or elsewhere on the piece, though the Walters sculpture, like most ancient marble portraits, would have originally been painted.
The turn of the head to the left side (from the point of view of the sculpture), the somewhat larger size of the left ear (which is set farther back on the head), and the slightly greater width of the left half of the forehead indicate that the optimum view of the Walters portrait is achieved when the head is turned slightly and seen from the right side of the face, as in top photo. Also providing evidence for the way in which the sculpture was originally intended to be displayed is the incompleteness of the carving behind the ears and at the back of the head (fig. 4 back of head). As in a number of other Roman portraits, the lack of attention to the back indicates that the statue to which the Walters head belonged had been designed to be set against a wall or in a niche, where the back would not have been readily visible. The short hairstyle with locks brushed to either side from about the middle of the forehead and the carving of the hair in a linear manner in relatively low relief suggest that the portrait was created in early imperial times. Also in accord with such a date is the classicizing treatment of the face, with its smooth and rounded volumes that have beeen somewhat softly modelled. In spite of a certain idealization of the facial features, the physiognomy is sufficiently distinct to suggest that the Walters portrait represents a member of the julio-Claudian family, rather than someone anonymous, private individual. Of the various Julio-Claudians possibly portrayed in the Walters head, the most likely candidate-at least on the basis of our present day knowledge- is Gaius Julius Caesar Germanicus, better known today by his boyhood nickname Caligula (literally, "Little Boot"). 4
Gauis' Historical Reputation
Gaius-to use his proper name- was born on August 31, 12 A.D., to Augustus' granddaughter, Agripina Maior, and Germanicus, the nephew and adopted son of Tiberius. In 37 A.D. Gaius succeeded Tiberius as Princeps ("First Citizen") of the Roman state. Our knowledge of the "real" Gaius is limited and much distorted by a generally hostile ancient literary tradition, replete with outrageous and unsubstantiated gossip, which has left us with the impression that he was a cruel and psychopathic monster.5 Such an image has, of course, been perpetuated and even further distorted by popular modern writers and producers, who have shaped the general public's conception of Gaius. This rather one-sided view has, unfortunately, also been furthered by those scholars who would see in Gaius' surviving portraits the countenance of madness, even though it is hardly conceivable that a sculptor would have openly dared to represent the living Gaius as looking insane. As we shall see, Gaius in fact appears in his portraits as serious, at times even severe, a demeanor undoubtedly designed to add gravity to the features of one who had been thrust into a position of great importance at a relatively young age. A countenance of sterness (torvitas) had been adopted earlier for portraits of the young Augustus (Octavian)6 and of his adopted son and destined successor, also named Gaius, who died in 4 A.D., at the age of twenty-three.7 Taking into consideration not only the biased nature of the ancient literary tradition but also epigraphic, numismatic, and archaeological evidence, modern historians have done much to rehabilitate the reputation of Gaius (Caligula). When all available information is weighed, the picture of Gaius that emerges is not that of an insane individual, but of an impetuous and tacless youth, unfit for the awesome power and responsibity of the Principate. When Gaius became Princeps athe the age of twenty-four on March 18, 37 A.D., following the death of Tiberius, there was much hope for the son of the extremely popular Germanicus. It was not long, however, before relations with the Roman Senate deteriorated for a umber of reasons which cannot be discussed here.8 Some of the seemingly bizarre acts which Gaius either carried out or professed to be planning to carry out were no doubt calculated to insult and demean the Senate, many members of which he had good reason to hate. His actions exposed more clearly than ever before how servile and sycophantic the Senate had become and served to illuminate the dangers of concentrating virtually unlimited power in the hands of one individual. In addition to the Senat, Gaius eventually managed to alienate a number of his own soldiers, a part of the urban masses of Rome, and some of his own Praetorian Guard.9 His assasanation on January 24, 41 A.D., was carried out by members of the Praetorian Guard with Senatorial collusion. After Gaius' death, his name was obliterated from some inscriptions, 10 and many of his portraits were destroyed, defaced, recut, or removed. The removal of Gaius' images, at least in Rome, had been authorized by his uncle and successor Claudius, who nevertheless did not permit the official damnation of Gaius' memory (damnatio memoriae) desired by the senate.11 And while Claudius annulled all of Gaius' acts, he would not allow the day of Gaius' death to be celebrated as a festival, even though that day also marked the beginning of Claudius' own principate.12
Representations of Gaius
Notwithstanding Gaius' unpopularity in certain circles, some two dozen sculptural likenesses of him have survived and been identified through comparison with his numerous inscribed coin images and the descriptions supplied by ancient literary sources.13 In comparing Gaius' portraits in various media with written accounts of his physical appearance, certain allowances must of course be made: on the one hand, extant images of him may be flattering to some degree, since in most cases they would have been based ultimately upon official portraits, presumably portraying him as he wished to be represented; on the other hand, hostile ancient literary sources may have exaggerated negative aspects of his appearance. The most complete written accounts of what Gaius looked like are provided by Seneca, who was a contemporary of Gaius and who suffered abuse at his hands, and by Suetonius, who drew upon many negative sources in writing his biography of Gaius in the second century A.D.14 It may deduced from these accounts that Gaius had a pale complextion, hollow temples, deeply set eyes, and a stern countenance. It is also reported that he was very tall, with a large frame, big feet, and thin neck and legs, and that his neck and body were hairy, while the hair of his head was thinning and completely gone on top. Though there is a certain variety in representations of Gaius on coins of his Principate (e.g., figs.),15 as well on gems (e.g., fig.)16 and in sculpture (e.g. figs),17 he is generally portrayed as having deeply set eyes, hair growing low on the neck, and, as been noted, a serious and sometimes even stern countenance. In his sculptural likenesses he also commonly has hollow temples, a feature which is not, of course, apparent in his profile on coins and gems. The degree of hollowness of the temples varies somewhat from portrait to portrait. In contrast to the descriptions provided by ancient writers, Gaius' images on coins and gems and in sculpture usually does not show him to have a thin neck, though it is generally rather long, and none of his extant images show him bald. In most cases his hair is not at all sparse on top, with the only indication of premature hair loss being a high and receding hairline in images that either certainly or probably date from the period of his Principate, when he was between twenty-four and twenty-eight years of age. In Gaius' portraiture, moreover, the cranium is wide and the face triangular and/or elongated. The forehead is shown as either vertical or sloping foreward somewhat, and there is often a slight horizontal depression across the middle. The eyebrows either follow the curve of the upper eyelids or, more commonly, appear to angle up from the inner to the outer corner of the eyes. The tip of the nose is usually bulbous, with the degree of bulbousness varying from one work to another. The mouth is generally small, with a protruding upper lip which at times emphasizes the otherwise slight recession of the lower lip. One or both lips are often represented as being rather thin, though they also are on occasion somewhat fleshy. In addition, the upper lip usually dips down over the lower lip at the mid-point. The chin is prominent, but not heavy. In many of Gaius' sculptural images the hair forks at or near the middle of the forehead and is brushed to either side of the fork. From either corner of the forehead, locks curl back toward the center, with a closed or nearly closed "pincer" almost always being formed by the locks over the right side of the forehead. This hairstyle was no doubt intended to recall that of his father Germanicus and of his adoptive grandfather Tiberius in certain of their portraits.18
The Walters Portrait
In facial features, the head in The Walters Art Gallery shows many points of comparison with established likenesess of Gaius. The face is triangular and somewhat elongated, the forehead is vertical; and the cranium is wide. The Walters head also has the concave temples, deeply set eyes, and broad forehead noted in ancient literary desriptions of Gaius. As is usually the case in his portraits, the eyebrows angle up from the inner to the outer corners of the eyes. In images of Gaius, this upward angling of the eyebrows is at least in part associated with his characteristically stern expression (torvitas), which served to add a certain gravity to the young man's features. In the Walters head, as in a statue of Gaius in Gortyn, Crete (fig. ),19 vertical frown lines over the bridge of the nose are not apparent, even though the brows give the impression of being somewhat contracted. Slightly overlapping the outer corners of the eyelids of the Walters head are pad-like folds of flesh, which are apparent also in the portrait of Gaius in the J.Paul Getty Museum, Malibu (fig.),20 an in the Small Museum, Carthage (fig.),21 The nose of the Walters sculpture is almost straight, like that of Gaius on a gem in the Vienna Kunsthistorisches Museum (fig.),22 in a veiled head in the Herakleion National Museum (figs.),23 and in a portrait in the Worcester Art Museum (figs.).24 In its length, the nose of the Walters sculpture compares favorably with that of Gaius in several of his portraits, most notably the statue in Gortyn, the head in Herakleion, and a small bronze bust in the Schinz-Ruesch Collection in Zurich (figs.).25 However, the nose of the Walters head does not angle out to the same degree that it does in the majority of Gaius' portraits, and the tip of the nose is only very slightly bulbous. THe mouth is characteristically small, with a protruding upper lip that dips down slightly over the lower at the mid-point. Atypical is the rather pronounced outward curl of the lower lip. Both lips are somewhat full, as in the portraits of Gaius in the Herakleion National Museum and the Worcester Art Museum. The Walters head and Herakleion head also compare closely in profile in the relationship of the upper and lower lips, as well as in the shape of the chin, which is, however, somewhat more prominent in the Herakleion sculpture. The back of the head of the Walters portrait is summarily treated and abnormally flat, precluding comparison in this regard with established likenesses of Gaius. The hairstyle is similiar to that of Gaius in many of his surviving portraits in that the locks fork near the middle of the forehead and then curl back toward the center from the right and left sides of the forehead. However, the locks over the right eye of the Walters head do not form the nearly closed "pincer" that they commonly do in Gaius' portraiture. The hair at the back of the head is of moderate length and curls toward the ears at the nape. Though this length of hair and pattern of curls at the nape are not without parallel in Gaius' portraiture (e.g., fig.), his hair more commonly extends rather low on his neck and is brushed forward horizontally at the nape. The locks on the forehead of the Walters portrait extend almost halway down the forehead, with the fringe of locks angling down slightly from the right to the left side of the head. The length of the locks on the forehead suggests that if this were indeed a likeness of Gaius, it would represent him at a younger age than do the portraits of his Principate which show him with a receding hairline. It is clear, in any case, that images of Gaius were created before he came to power in 37 A.D. Attesting to the exitstence of such pre-principate portraits are inscriptions found on the island of Calymna (c.18 A.D.?)26 and in Vienna in Gallia Narbonensis (33-37 A.D.).27 A likness of Gaius created prior to 37 A.D. would have also served as a model for his image on the few coins of Tiberius' Principate that include a representation of Gaius. To my knowledge, Gaius' portrait appears on Tiberius' coinage only on aes minted between 31 A.D. and 37 A.D. at Carthago Nova (Spain).28 In most of these examples, the image is too crude and/or worn to be of any iconographical value. It is nevertheless possible to see in a few cases, most notably a recently published bronze coin in the British Museum (fig.),29 that Gaius' hair extends nearly half-way down the forehead, as in the Walters head. As far as can be determined from available published examples, the coins of Carthago Nova represent Gaius' hair as consistenly shorter at the nape of the neck than is usually the case in numismatic images of him from his own Principate. In this respect also, the pre-Princiapte portraits of Gaius on the Carthago Nova coins compare favorably with the Walters head.
Possible Pre-Principate Portraits of Gaius
In sculpture in the round there has been no undisputed identification of a pre-Principate likeness of Gaius. The two works that seem most likely to be youthful images of Gaius, and which also resemble the Walters head, are a bust in the Museo Archeologico, La Spezia (Fig.), and a head in the Staatliche Kuntsammlungen, Dresden (fig.).30 The La Spezia and Dresden portraits are so similiar to one another in physiognomy and hairstlye that it is virtually certain that they represent the same individual. Features of these two sculptures which are typical of Gaius' portraiture-and which are evident also in the Walters head are the broad forehead and the protrusion of the upper lip, which dips down slighly over the lower at mid-point. The lips are rather full, like those of the Herakleion and Worcester portraits of Gaius Figs.), as well as the Walters sculpture. As in Gaius' established portraiture, the lower lip does not curl out to the same degree that it does in the Walters head. The bottom half of the nose of both La Spezia and Dresden sculptures is broken off (and restored in the case of the Dresden head), but to the extent that the nose is preserved in each case, it is similiar in size and shape to that of the Walters head and of Gaius in his accepted portraits. As in the majority of Gaius' established likenesses, the nose angles out from the face of the La Spezia and resden sculptures more than in the Walters head. The chin of both the La Spezia and Dresden portraits is relatively strong, with the chin of the Dresden head comparing particularly closely in shape and size with that of the Walters sculpture. In the La Spezia bust, fleshy folds are formed between the eyes and the outer corners of the eyebrows, as in the Getty Museum and Carthage portraits of Gaius (figs.) and in the Walters head. The eyebrows of the La Spezia and Dresden sculptures follow the contours of the upper lids , rather than angling up from the inner to the outer corner fo the eyes. In this respect, The La Spezia and Dresden sculptures resemble most closely the portraits of Gaius in the Getty Museum (fig.) and the Kerakleion Museum (fig.), both of which have almost placid expressions, rather than the more serious or even severe look typical of Gaius' portraiture and evident also in the Walters head. Of particualr importance in attempting to determine the identity of the individual represented in the La Spezia and Dresden portraits is the angle of the forehead in profile. This feature constitutes one of the principal iconographical differences betwen Gaius and his father Germanicus, whom Gaius resembles. In Germanicus' portraiture the forehead either is nearly vertical, as in a head in the Museo Arqueologico in Cadiz,31 or slopes back, as in a portrait in Leptis Magna and in the majority of his other images.32 In Gaius' liknesses, the forehead either is vertical or angles forward, as in the Zurich bust (fig.). The forward slope of the forehead of the Dresden serves to indicate, therefore, that the individual represented in the Dresden and La Spezia portraits is more likely to be Gaius than Germanicus. The La spezia and Dresden sculptures, finally, share an affinity with the Walters head in hairstyle. In all three works tha hair forks at the same point, between the inner corner fo the right eye and the center of the forehead, and the locks over the left side of the forehead are arranged similarly. Over the right side of the forehead of the La Spezia and Dresden portraits, two principal locks at the right temple curl back towards the center, with a nearly closed "pincer" being formed by the locks over the right eye. In the Walters head, however, the locks the locks do not create this pincer effect. The length of the hair at the nape of the neck of the Walters portrait is comparable to that of the Dresden head, while the manner in which the locks are brushed forward at the nape of the neck of the Walters sculpture is like that of the La Spezia bust. In both the La Spezia and Dresden portraits the hair extends even lower on the forehead than it does in the Walters head. The slightly longer fringe of hair on the forehead and the more boyish features of the La Spezia and Dresden sculptures suggest that these two works reresent an individual at a somewhat younger age than does the Walters head. The La Spezia bust would seem to represent a youth of about sixteen to seventeen years, and the Dresden head, one of perhaps eighteeen to nineteen, while the young man of the Walters sculpture appears to be in his early twenties. If the La Spezia, Dresden and Walters portrait are indeed all likenesses of Gaius, they would therefore be pr-Principate images of him. The Walters sculpture might than be regarded as a variant of the same portrait type as the La Spezia and Dresden sculptures or as a new portrait type of him, created between 31 A.D. and 33 A.D. to commemorate important events in his life during this period. The downfall of Gaius' two older brothers, who had come under suspicion of conspiracy along with their mother, had suddenly advanced Gaius to a position of prominence in his nineteenth year. In 31/32 A.D. he was summoned to Capri by Tiberius, received on the same day the toga virilis (the "manly toga"),33 and shortly thereafter was also appointed to the religious office if pontifex.34 In 33 A.D. Gaius was nominated to his first political position, the quaestorship, and was granted the right of holding office five years before the usual age.35 Prior to becoming Princeps he also received local honors at Pompeii (in 34 A.D.)36 and in Spain, at Carthago Nova37 and Caesaraugusta.38
The Question of Style
Stylistically, the Walters head is acceptable as a creation of the third decade A.D. though many portraits of this period are rendered in a classisizing style that is rather cold and hard, a number of others are softly modelled and plastically carved. These divergent tendencies are evident in the portraiture not only of the later Tiberian period, but also of Gaius' own Principate.39 The Walters head reflects both tendencies, in that the volumes of the face are smooth and rounded, while the individualizing facial features themselves are somewhat softened. In the carving of the facial features, The Walters head approaches the portrait of Gaius in the Getty Museum (fig.), a work which is, however, more sensitively treated and of significantly higher artistic quality. Like the vast majority of Gaius' images, the Getty Museum head was almost certainly created prior to his death in 41 A.D.40 In the carving of the hair, the Walters sculpture finds a particulary close parallel in a portrait of the Ny Carslberg Glyptotek, Copenhagen, representing Tiberius Gemellus at about the age of twelve.41 Since Tiberius Gemellus was born in 19 A.D.,42 the Copenhagen head may be dated to the later years of Tiberius' Principate, most likely to the early 30s A.D. The Walters and Copenhagen sculptures are alike in the rendering of the cap of hair in low relief, the carving of individual locks in a linear manner, and the summary treatment of the locks at the sides of the head. Even in the carving of facial features, the Copenhagen portrait does not stand far from the Walters sculpture. In fact, in the sylistic treatment of the facial features, the Walters head occupies an intermediate position between the portrait of Tiberius Gemellus in Copenhagen and the Getty Museum head of Gaius.
Identification-with Reservation
In summary, then, the Walters sculpture may be a portrait of Gaius at about the time he first came into pominence in the 30s A.D. If so, this work would be of great importance iconographically as one of the very few pre-Principate sculptural images of him. However, such an identification must be offered with reservation. since the resemblance of the Walters head to Gaius in his established portraiture is not sufficiently great to make the identifications certain. The dissmiliarities in physiognomy which have been noted in the Walters sculpture might, of course, be attributed in part to the sculptor's lack of skill as a portraitist. The slight sifference in the hairstyle of the Walters portrait might be explained as reresenting a variation of one of Gaius' iconographical hairdos or as reflecting the arrangement of some hitherto unknown youthful portrait type of him. The possibility should also be left open that the Walters head represents a thusfar unidentified member of the Julio-Claudian family or even a private individual who resembled-or who was portrayed as resembling Gaius. It is to be hoped that futue research in the especially difficult area of Julio-Claudian portraiture, as well as future archaeological finds, may shed some light on the problems posed by the Walters head.
Prof. John Pollini University of Southern California
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NOTES
1. Walters Art Gallery, inv. no 23.102 Total H. (excluding base) 14.5 cm; H. from chin to top of head 11.5 cm; W. 8.5 cm. The Walters head is published here for the first time with the kind permission of Diana Buitron, Curator of Greek and Roman Art. I would also like to thank Terry Weisser, head of the Department of Conservation and Technical Research, and her assistant, Carol Snow, for cleaning the head and removing the modern plaster that had been about the base of the neck. Thanks are likewise due to the museum's staff photographer, Harry J. Connolly, Jr., for photographing the piece for the present publication.
2. In consulting the files of the Walters Art Gallery concerning this sculpture, I learned that Dorothy Kent Hill, former Curator of Greek and Roman Art, had independently noted that this portrait might possibly represent Gaius (Caligula).
3. Though marble portaits with tenons are not usually of the relatively small size of the Walters head, there are nevertheless parallels in the early imperial period for under life-sized portraits worked for insertion into statue bodies; see e.g., two statues from Magnesia on the Maeander (c.25 B.C.) in the Archaeological Museum, Instanbul, inv. nos. 608, 609: J Inan and E. Rosenbaum, Roman and Early Byzantine portrait Sculpture in Asia Minor (London 1966), pp. 168-70, (#222, 223) pls. CXII. 1-2, CXIII, 1-2, CXXIV. 3-4; as well as a Julio-Claudian female portait found at Side (Side Museum, inv. no. 161): ibid., p. 191, (#262) pl.CXLII.,5-6. For an example of an imperial portrait in marble comparable in size to Walters head, see the head of Augustus in a private collection in Munich: P. Zanker, Die Bildnisse des Augustus (with K. Viermeisel et al.) (Munich: 1979), pp. 10, 63 (#5, 16).
4. The legionaries of his father's army gave the nickname "Caligula" to Gaius, who as a small boy would be dressed up as a soldier, boots and all: Suetonius, Life of Gaius Caligula, 9: Tacitus, Annals, 1.41: Seneca, De Constantia Sapientis, 18.4. In inscriptions and coin legends Gaius was understandably not called by his babyish nickname. Ancient literary accounts, moreover, commonly refer to him as Gaius, not Caligula. On the life and career of Gaius: M. Gelzer, s.v. "C. (Iulius) Caesar Germanicus, " Real-Encyclopadie der Klassischen Alertumwissenschaft X (1919): 381-423 (#133); Prosopographia Imperii Romani (2nd ed.) IV (1952-1966): 168-72 (#217); J.P.V.D. Balsdon, The Emperor Gaius (Caligula) (Oxford 1934); C.H.V. Sutherland, Coinage in Roman Imperial Policy (London 1951), pp. 102-25: and most recently C.J. Simpson, "The Cult of the Emperor Gaius," Latomus 40 (1981): 489-511. Cf. V. Massaro and I. Montgomery , Gaius-Mad, Bad, Ill or All Three?" Latomus 37 (1978): 894-909, whose modern medical diagnosis of Gaius is hardly valid since it requires the acceptance of the veracity of a very biased ancient literary tradition. With regard to the errors and biases in the ancient literary sources concerning Gaius, see further M.P. Charlesworth, The Tradition about Caligula," Cambridge Historical Journal 4 (1933): 105-19.
5. Our principal ancient writers on the life of Gaius were either themselves personal enemies of him or drew heavily upon aristocratic sources hostile to his memory in writing their accounts. Contrast, however, the brief statement concerning Gaius made by the late first/early second century A.D. Greek biographer Plutarch: In his Life of Antony (87.4). Plutarch indicates that Gaius governed with distinction. But for a short time only, and then was put to death with his wife and child: (greek text unavailable at this time).
6. For the "Actium" portrait type, representing Augustus (Octavian) with knitted brows: P. Zanker, Studien zu den Augustus-Portrats 1(Abhandlungen Gottingen 85), (Gottingen: 1973): U. Hausmann, "Zur Typologie und Ideologie des Augustusportrats," Aufstieg und Niedergang der romischen Welt II. 12.2 (1981): 535-50.
7. See, e.g., The following portraits of Gaius Caesar:
a. Head in the Museo Oliveriano, Pesaro, inv. no.,3294: L. Fabbrini, "Di un ritratto inedito di giovenetto nei Musei Oliveriani di Pesaro," Rendiconti della R. Accademia dei Lincei Ser.8.10(1955):469-88, figs. 1-6; Zanker (see n. 6), p.47, pl. 36a.: Z. Kiss, L' iconographie des princes julio-claudiens au temps d' Auguste et de Tibere (Warsaw: 1976), p. 43, figs. 66-67.
b. Portrait in the Sala dei Busti, Musei Vaticani, inv. no. 714: E. Simon, "Das neugefundene Bildnis des Gaius Caesar in Mainz," Mainzer Zeitschrift 58 (1963): 7, figs. 11-12, 33-34: W. Helbig, Fuhrer durch die offentlichen Sammlungen klassicher Altertumer in Rom (4th ed.) I(1963):119 (#157), (H.v. Heintze): G. Hafner. "Der angeblich antike Marmorkopf aus Mainz." Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Instituts, Romische Abteilung 71(1964): 179f, pls. 42-4, 44.4, 45.4, 46.4, 47.2; Kiss (see n. 7a), p. 162f., figs.,565-66: Hausmann (see n. 6), p. 526f.
c. Youthful male on the altar from Vicus Sandaliarius, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence, inv. no. 972: G. Mansuelli, Galleria degli Uffizzi I (Rome: 1958), pp. 203-06 (#205) fig. 198: L. Fabbrini, "Caligola: il ratratto dell'adolescenza e il ritratto della apoteosi," Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Instituts, Romische Abteilung 73-74 (1966-67): 136, pl.41.1; Kiss (see note 7a), p.38, fig. 36.
d. Bronze head (from the Via del Babuino) in the Palazzo dei Conservatori, Rome: C. Pietrangeli, "Su un ritratto bronzeo dei Musei Capitolini," Bullettino della Commissione Archeologica Comunale di Roma 72 (1946-48): 57-65, pl. I-II: Fabbrini, (seen n. 7c) 135f., pls. 42.1, 43.1: Kiss (see n. 7a), p.40, figs. 46-47: Hausmann (see n. 6), p. 529f., figs. 2-3.
On the iconography of Gaius Caesar, see further J. Pollini, The Portraiture of Gaius and Lucius Caesar (forthcoming)
8. With regard to Gaius' relations with the Senate, see especially Gelzer (see n. 4), pp. 384-423: and Balsdon (see n. 4).
9. It is evident, however, from Josephus' detailed account of events following the assasanation of Gaius (Antiquitates Judaicae 19.1.15-20) that Gaius was by no means hated by one and all.
10. On the defacement of Gaius' inscriptions: Gelzer (see n. 4), p. 417: R. R. Rosborough, An Epigraphic Commentary on Suetonius's Life of Gaius Caligula (Pennsylvania: 1920), p. 44.
11. Dio Cassius, 60.4, 5-6.
12. Suetonius, Life of Claudius, 11.3.
13. On th iconography of Gaius: R. West, Romische Portrat-Plastik (Munich: 1933), pp. 201-03: V. Poulsen, " Portraits of Caligula," Acta Archaeologica 29 (1958): 175-90: Fabbrini (see n. 7c), pp. 134-46: R. Brilliant, "An Early Imperial Portrait of Caligula," Acta ad archaeologiam et Atrium Historiam Pertnentia, Institutum Romanum Norvegiae 4(1969): 13-17: H. Jucker, "Caligula," Arts in Virginia 13 (1973): 16-25: F. Johansen, "Portraetter af C. Iulius Caesar Germanicus kaldet Caligula," Meddeleser fra Ny Carlberg Glyptotek 37 (1981): 70-99; and forthcoming, the volume on the portraiture of Gaius by H. Jucker in the series Das romische Herrscherbild.
14. For Seneca's account: De Constantia Sapientis, 18.1: for that of Suetonius: Life of Gaius Caligula, 50. See also Tacitus, Histories, 15.72, who alludes in passing ot Gaius' appearance.
15. Illustrated in figs. are three coins of 37-38 A.D. in the ()
16. With regard to the gem represented in close-up fig 9: see n. 22.
17. For the portraits illustrated here: see nn. 19-21, 23-25.
18. Cf., e.g., the portraits of Germanicus in the Museo Capitolino, Rome (inv. no. 415), and the Ny Carlsberg Gltptotek, Copenhagen (inv. 756), and the head of Tiberius in the Vatican's Museo Chiaramonti (inv. no. 1642). On the portrait of Germanicus (from Privertum) in the Museo Capitolino: H. Stuart Jones, The Sculptures of the Museo Capitolino (Oxford: 1912), p. 188, pl. 46; Helbig (see n. 7b) II (1966): 131f. (#1280), (H. v. Heintze); J. Fink, "Germanicus-Portrat," Antike und Universalgeschichte, Festschrift Hans Erich Stier (Munich: 1972), p. 283, pl. 7.2 (caption to be reversed with that of pl. 7.1): Kiss (see n. 7a) pp. 122, 147, figs. 451-52. For the head of Germanicus in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek; V. Poulsen, Les portraits romains I (Copenhagen: 1962), p.88 (#52), II pl. LXXXVIII: Fink, "Germanicus Portrat," p. 283, pl. 10.4; Kiss (see n. 7a), pp. 101-02, figs. 328-29. On the head of Tiberius (from Veio) in the Museo Chiaramonti: W. Amelung, Die Sculpturen des Vaticanischen Museums I (Berlin: 1903), p. 572 (#399) pl. 60; L. Polacco, Il volto di Tiberio (Rome: 1955), p. 129f., pl. XXIV; Helbig (see n. 7b) I(1963):265 (no. 349), (H.v. Heintze); Kiss (see n. 7a), p. 123, n. 195, figs. 631-32.
19. Fabbrini (see n. 7c), pp. 140-44, pls. 44, 45.1, 46.1, 47.1, 48.2 Jucker (see n. 13), p. 19f., fig. 10; Kiss (see n. 7a), p. 151, figs. 540-41; Johansen (see n. 13), p. 90, fig. 9.
20. Inv. no. 72.AA .155, from Asia Minor: Jucker (see n. 13), p. 20, fig. 13; Zanker (see n. 3), p. 96 (#10.7); J. Inan and Rosenbaum, Romische und Fruhplastik aus der Turkei (Mainz: 1979), p. 69f, (#16) pls. 13.3-4, 14.2-3; J. Frel, Roman Portraits in the Getty Museum (Los Angeles: 1981), p. 38f., 123 (#24); Johansen (see n. 13), p. 92, fig. 14.
21. Found at Le Krib, the ancient city of Musti in Africa Proconsulare: Fabbrini (see n. 7c), pp. 144-46, pls. 49-50; Jucker (see n. 13), p. 20; Johansen (see n. 13), p. 90, fig. 10.
22. For the convincing identification of the seated male figure on this gem as Gaius, rather than Augustus: H. Kyreleis, "Zu einem Kameo in Wein," Archaologischer Anzeiger (1970): 492-98, figs. 1, 3.
23. Inv. no. 64, from the Agora of Gortyn, Crete: L. Mariani, " Some Roman Busts in the Museum of the Syllogos of Candia," American Journal of Archaeology I(1897): 266-68, fig. 1, pl. XII.1; Fabbrini (see n. 7c), p. 141f., pls. 45.2, 46.2, 47.2; C. Vermeule, Roman Imperial Art in Greece and Asia Minor (Cambridge, Massachusetts: 1968), pp. 195, 386; figs. 109A, 124; Kiss (see n. 7a), p. 151, figs. 542-43.
24. Inv. no.1914.23, reportedly found near Marino, Italy: Poulsen (see n. 13), p. 185f., figs. 13-14; Jucker (see n. 13), p. 20; Kiss (see n. 7a), p. 142, figs. 497-98.
25. H. Jucker, Das Bildnis im Blatterkelch (Lausanne: 1961), p.48f. (#31) pl. 12; Johansen (see n. 13), p. 92, fig. 15; H. Jucker, " Iulisch-Claudische Kaiser-und Prinzenportrats als 'Palimpseste,' "Jahrbuch des deutschen archaologischen Instituts 96(1981): 256, figs. 29-31.
26. Inscriptiones Graecae Ad Res Romanas Pertinentes IV.1022.
27. Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum XII, 1848-49. With regard to the Calymna and Vienna inscriptions, see also M. Stuart, " How Were Imperial Portraits Distributed thorughout the Empire?" American Journal of Archaeology 43 (1939); 605.
28. A number of examples of coins of Carthago Nova with pre-principate portraits of Gaius are represented in A. Banti and L. Simonetti, Corpus Nummorum Romanorum XIII (Florence: 1977), pp. 141-50, (dated without explanation more precisely to the year 34 A.D.) with regard to these coins, see also M. Grant, Aspects of the Principate of Tiberius (American Numismatic Society Numismatic Notes and Monographs 16) (New York 1950), pp. 35, 101, pl. VI.3; A. Vives y Escudero, La Moneda hispanica IV (Madrid: 1926), p. 37 (#39-42) pl. CXXXII. 3-6.
29. Banti and Simonetti (see n. 28), p. 145 (#7).
30. For the Proposal that the La Spezia and Dresden Portraits may represent the youthful Gaius (rather than his father Germanicus): H. Jucker, "Die Prinzen auf dem Augustus-Relief in Ravenna," Melanges d' histoire ancienne et d' archelolgie offerts a Paul Collart (Lausanne: 1976), p. 249, n.64. On the bust (found in the theater in Luni) in the Museo Archeologico, La Spezia, inv. no. 54, see further C. Pietrangeli, "Appunti su due ritratti giulio-claudi." Congresso Nazionale di Studi Romani 1935.11 (1938) : 184f., pl. 22.1; A. Frova, Scavi di Luni I (1973); 49f., pl.14.1. For the Dresden head: L. Curtius, " Ikonographische Beitrage zum portrat der Romischen Rebublik und der Julisch-Claudischen Famile XIV. Germanicus," Mitteilungen des deutschen archaologischen Intituts I(1948):71, pl. 22; Kiss (see n. 7a), p. 133, figs. 379-80. Also suggested by Jucker as possible (though more dubious) early likenesses of Gaius are a head in the Mueseo Archeologico, Naples (inv. no. 150226), and a badly damaged portrait from Mylasa in the Izmir Museum. For the Naples head: Fink (see n. 18), pp. 281-83, pls. 2-3 (identified as Germanicus). For the portrait from Mylasa: Innan and Rosenbaum (see n. 3), p. 170 (#225) pl. CXXXV.1-2 (identified as a n unknown man of the Augustun period). The various portraits suggested by other scholars as pre-principate likenesses of Gaius show him with receding hairline and facial features which seem to me comparable in maturity to those of a twenty-four year old, the age at which Gaius beacame Princeps.
31. From Medina Sidonia: A. Garcia y Bellido, "Los retratos de Livia. Drusus Minor y Germanicus di Medina Sidonia,: Melanges Andre Piganiol (Paris: 1966), pp. 491-94, figs. 5-6; Kiss (see n. 7a), p. 130, figs. 627-28; H. Jucker, Die Prinzen des Statuenzylkus aus Veleia." Jahrbuch des deutschen archaologischen Instituts 92(1977):223, figs.7-9.
32. For the Leptis Magna head: S. Aurigemma, "Sculture del Foro Vecchio di Leptis Magna raffiguranti la dea Roma e principi della casa dei giulio-claudio," Africa Italiana 8(1940): 56-59, figs. 36-37: Kiss (see n. 7a), p. 112f., figs. 373-74. See also the portraits of Germanicus cited in n. 18.
33. Suetonius, Life of Caligula. 10.1.
34. Ibid., 12.1; Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum XII, 1849.
35. Dio Cassius, 58.23.1; Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum XII.1849.
36. Dessau, Inscriptiones Latinae Selectae 6396-97; Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum X. 901-904.
37. See n. 28.
38. H. Cohen, Description historique des monnaies frappees sous l'Empire Romain I (Paris: 1880), p. 199 (#103); Vives y Escudeo (see n. 28), p. 82 (#54-56) pl. CLI.8-10.
39. With regard to the stylistic variety in the portraiture of Gaius, see also Jucker (see n. 13), p. 22f.
40. To my knowledge, there is no numismatic or epigraphic evidence for Gaius' being honored after his death. In the ancient literature, there is a passing reference in one source (Suetonius, Life of Nero, 30.1) to Nero's having envied and admired his uncle Gaius for his profligacy-a bit of gossip of questionable historical value, undoubtebly intended to blacken Nero's character by association with the much alligned Gaius. It is of course not to be ruled out that a postumous portrait of Gaius might have been created for a private individual who had some personal affection for him.
41. Inv. no. 1904. Poulsen (see n. 18), p. 85f. (#49) pls. LXXXIV-LXXXV. For other portraits of Tiberius Gemellus: Jucker (see n. 31). pp. 228-32.
42. Tacitus, Annals, 2.84.
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Fig. 2 A Pre-Principate Portrait of Caligula? Frontal view, Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore. (photo courtesy Prof. John Pollini)
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Fig. 3 A Pre-Principate Portrait of Caligula? Rt. profile. Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore. (photo courtesy Prof. John Pollini.
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Fig. 4 A Pre-Principate Portrait of Caligula? Left Profile Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore.(Photo courtesy of Prof. John Pollini)
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Fig. 5 A Pre-Principate Portrait of Caligula? Rear view-Walters Art Gallery, Baltimore. (photo courtesy Prof. John Pollini)
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 Fig. 6 Sestertius of Gaius (Caligula) British Museum, London
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 Fig. 7 Aureus of Gaius (Caligula) and Augustus
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 Fig. 8 Aureus of Gaius (Caligula and his father Germanicus) cng coins
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Fig. 9 Detail, gem of Gaius (Caligula) and Roma. Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna (Courtesy J. Pollini)
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Fig. 10 Statue of Caligula Phylakeion, Gortyn Crete (Photo courtesy Prof. John Pollini
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 Fig. 11 Head of Gaius (Caligula), J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu
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Fig. 12 Carthage Head- pre-principate Caligula? Courtesy Prof. John Pollini
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Figs. 13-14 Caligula-National museum, Kerakleion (photo cortesy Prof. john Pollini
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Medium.jpg) Fig. 15-16 Head of Gaius (Caligula). Worcester Art Museum.
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Fig 19. SPAIN, Carthago, Nova. Tiberius and Gaius Caligula, Caesar. 14-37 AD. Æ Quadrans (2.37 gm). Laureate head of Tiberius left / Bare head of Gaius left. RPC I 184. Joe Geranio- The Portraiture of Caligula (Public Domain)
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FIGS. 20-21 Caligula? La Spezia Bust, (Photo courtesy John Pollini
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 Fig. 17-18 Bust of Gaius (Caligula). Private Collection.
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Figs. 22-23 Dresen Head- Pre-principate Caligula? Courtesy Prof. John Pollini
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Mutilation and Transformation: Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture
ERIC R. VARNER
Mutilation and Transformation: Damnatio Memoriae and Roman Imperial Portraiture
Leiden: Brill, 2004. 340 pp.; 215 b/w ills. $287.00
In the last three decades, scholars and students of Roman art have become increasingly aware of the fact that a good number of imperial portraits were recut or otherwise altered in antiquity, usually because of the damnation of an individual's memory. Memoria damnata, which was generally politically motivated, and the resultant reworking of portraits have been dealt with in individual articles and as part of larger studies focusing on other aspects of portraiture or, more rarely, the destruction of images. (1) Varner's book, volume 10 in Brill's series Monumenta Graeca et Romana, is the first comprehensive work on these topics. Although his study does not include all mutilated or refashioned portraits of those who suffered some form of condemnation, it has more than sufficient images to provide a clear picture of the issues involved. His study concentrates on portraits essentially from the time of Augustus to Constantine's transformation of the Roman Empire into a Christian one, although damnation did not end with the Constantinian period, as Varner acknowledges (pp. 223-24). An important and welcome addition to the scholarship on this subject, this study also provides a starting point for future discussion and reassessment of individual portrait images examined within.
Varner's book, a revised version of his 1993 Yale University doctoral dissertation, consists of ten chapters (pp. 1-224), nine separate catalogs of selected individual portraits (pp. 225-88), a selected bibliography (pp. 289-305), an index of museums and collections (pp. 307-16), and a general index (pp. 317-33). In his introductory chapter, he discusses in a broad historical context the nature of memoria damnata and its effects on the visual arts. The chapters that follow center on individual principes and members of their families. Although Varner is principally concerned with sculptural images (both in the round and in relief), he also deals with other media (such as cameos, gemstones, coins) in which images of the condemned have been intentionally damaged or altered in some way or, by contrast, not affected at all. In addition, he includes a discussion of cases in which the name and titles of the damned individual have been obliterated in inscriptions or on papyri, as well as left untouched.
The photographs are by and large of high quality, or at least as good as Varner was able to obtain from various photograph archives, supplemented by the author's own photographs. It would have been helpful had he repeated in the captions under each of his images the catalog number (when applicable), which would have greatly facilitated finding these images in his nine separate catalogs. In some cases Varner offers only one view of a sculptural portrait head, bust, or statue, even though additional views are often necessary to assess reworking, a judgment that can be very subjective. When many images and views are essential but too expensive to reproduce in plates, authors and publishers might consider providing a DVD that can accommodate the necessary illustrations. Varner's book would also have benefited from better editing. There are a number of inconsistencies in spelling, typographical errors, and problems with punctuation and grammar, as well as some misnomers. (2) Varner usually uses B.C. and A.D. for dating, but on occasion we also find "A.C." (as on pp. 8, 22). Despite these flaws, the book is generally well organized and written in a lucid fashion.
At the outset of his book Varner rightly points out (p. 2) that the commonly used term "damnatio memoriae," "the damnation of the memory [of someone or something]," is a Latin neologism created by modern scholarship. Other expressions for the same concept, however, did occur in antiquity, such as the preferable memoria damnata. Besides damnatio memoriae, there is abolitio memoriae, "the abolition of the memory [of someone or something]," another Latin neologism that refers to the total obliteration of an image. From the literary and epigraphic record we know of a great many bronze images of classical antiquity that were melted down, as well as marble statues that were reduced to lime or broken up into small pieces for use as rubble fill in later wall constructions. Varner tends to use abolitio memoriae (as on p. 2 and passim) to mean the not quite complete eradication of an image, so that some trace of the original, no matter how faint, remains. He cites as examples the "Triumph Relief" of Marcus Aurelius in the Museo Capitolino in Rome, in which there is still visible the hand of Commodus, who once stood next to his father in the chariot but was later condemned (fig. 142a-c), as well as a relief panel on the Arch of the Argentarii in Rome (figs. 158, 159), in which the figures of the later condemned Plautianus and his daughter Plautilla were chiseled away, leaving telltale signs of their former existence. These large and obvious "hollows" sent a message to contemporaries, because at the time it would have been common knowledge who had once been represented and subsequently damned. To my mind, therefore, these reworked reliefs fall in the category of damnatio memoriae rather than abolitio memoriae, since the faint traces of the former images would have spoken volumes, analogous to Cicero's noted saying (in Catilinam 1.8.37) "Cum tacent, clamant" (though silent, they clamor).
Although most of the images that Varner considers were products of politically motivated memoria damnata, he also speaks briefly (p. 6) about its opposite, consecratio, the official deification of a princeps or member of his family. Important, too, is the rehabilitation of memory, as in the case of Nero (pp. 81-83, 85) or Commodus (pp. 147-48), The latter was not only rehabilitated but also divinized by his successor, Septimius Severus, who claimed kinship with the Antonine house to which Commodus belonged in order to legitimize his own claims to the principate.
Particularly useful, under the subsection "Precedents and Parallels" in chapter 1 (pp. 12-20), is the nice sketch that Varner provides of the background for the damnation of memory, going back to not only the Roman Republic but also the ancient Near East, Egypt, Greece, and the Hellenistic world. As he shows, the sensory organs (eyes, nose, mouth, and ears) were usually targets of special abuse or mutilation. Venting one's rage on an inanimate statue served as the next best thing to having the actual individual to attack. Some people made almost no distinction psychologically between the person and his or her effigy. The fictive image becomes, in effect, a stand-in for the object of hatred; as such, the image is also imbued with power. (3)
Although a political motivation could be ascribed to most of the abuse of images in the ancient world before the time of Constantine and the Christian empire, a notable early exception involves Akhenaten (or Amenhotep IV, 1350-1334 BCE), the pharaoh who imposed a monotheistic religious tyranny in Egypt during the Eighteenth Dynasty. Varner points out (pp. 13-14) that monuments honoring Akhenaten and sometimes his family "were systematically destroyed" or defaced. Yet the fact that a number of Akhenaten's images have survived unmutilated suggests that attacks on them were not as systematic as believed. Also, the damnation of Akhenaten's memory seems not to have been the work of his immediate successors but rather the result of sporadic vandalism. (4) Varner implies that images of the sun god Aten suffered the same destruction, but the archaeological evidence indicates otherwise, since in reliefs in which the image of Akhenaten was defaced, that of the Aten (the solar disk) was not damaged. (5) The Aten, whose divinity had been used and abused by Akhenaten, was a traditional god of ancient Egypt, a hypostasis, or manifestation, of the supreme god Amun-Re. (6) For this reason, the Aten continued to be worshiped among the other gods of Egypt after Akhenaten's demise.
Varner notes (p. 14) that some images were altered over time not because of damnation of the memory of the individuals represented but because they were no longer of interest. He observes, for example, that numerous images of Amenhotep III, whose memory was never officially damned, were later refashioned into those of Rameses II. Although Varner does not speculate on why Rameses II might have transformed Amenhotep's image into his own, I think we can safely conclude that the Eighteenth Dynasty pharaoh Amenhotep III (1386-1349 BCE) was of no consequence for the dynastic plans of the Nineteenth Dynasty ruler Rameses II (1279-1212 BCE). Economic considerations aside, it might be speculated that Amenhotep III's images were reused as a subtle way of damning his memory for being the father of the accursed Akhenaten. In any case, lack of current dynastic relevance is also a factor in explaining why a portrait of Augustus's much-loved adopted son Gaius in the Sala dei Busti in the Vatican (pp. 69-70, fig. 85a-b) was recut some years after his death into an image of the young Nero, who became princeps in 54. (7)
Dynastic ideology might also explain why a portrait of Queen Tiye, the mother of Akhenaten, came to be reused centuries later for an image of the Hellenistic queen Arsinoe II (316-270 BCE). Varner postulates (p. 14) that Tiye's portrait may have been reused for Arsinoe because the Hellenistic queen may have resembled Tiye, whose image would therefore have been relatively easy to convert. However, it is difficult to see how resemblance can have been a factor, since Tiye had Negroid features, while Arsinoe was a purebred Macedonian. Moreover, centuries after Tiye's death, with Egypt under Ptolemaic management, there would have been no reason to honor or even preserve Tiye's memory. Perhaps by then, no one even knew who the original portrait represented, especially if there were no longer a surviving inscription to identify her. The reworking of this image may again simply have been economically motivated.
Ancient literary testimony reveals a strong correspondence between the abuse inflicted on the corpses of condemned leaders and members of their family and on their statues. In the case of males, the general tendency was to decapitate the individual (the usual form of execution of Roman citizens), mutilate the body, drag it through the streets with hooks, and dump it into a river or some other body of water to purify it. If an individual were slain in Rome, the corpse was sometimes symbolically thrown down the scalae gemoniae ("wailing stairs") of the Capitoline Hill before being dragged off to the Tiber (see pp. 108-9). Elagabalus, whose body was cast into the river, even received the posthumous nickname Tiberinus as a special mark of scorn (pp. 188-89). With the exception of Julia Soaemias, mother of Elagabalus (p. 195), the decapitated corpses of female members of the imperial family were not dragged through the streets and dumped into the Tiber or the sewer. The ancient authors also provide vivid accounts of the abuse suffered by the statues of the condemned as though these images were living human beings: Pliny the Younger (Panegyricus 52.4-5), for example, describes the destruction of Domitian's portraits in graphically anthropomorphic terms (pp. 114-15). As Varner rightly notes throughout his book, assaults on the images of the wives, sisters, and daughters also testify to the power and influence of imperial women in Roman society, despite the fact that they could not hold political office.
Varner takes up at various points throughout the book the important matter of who attacked images of principes or their family members and whether these assaults were spontaneous reactions (see pp. 9, 199, 204) or responses to orders following official or unofficial damnation. Some ancient sources are unclear while others are specific, especially if the army or the urban plebs were involved (as on pp. 200-201). Sometimes the findspot of an intentionally damaged portrait or inscription can provide information about those who perpetrated an attack. For example, the discovery of a mutilated over-life-size bronze head of Severus Alexander at the military settlement of Carnuntum in Upper Pannonia points to its having been attacked by soldiers, who we know showed support for the new princeps Maxi-minus Thrax in 235. Since the historian Cassius Dio was the military governor of Pannonia ("legatus Augusti") from 223 to 228, during the principate of Severus Alexander, it is likely that Dio set up the bronze statue to which the mutilated head belonged (p. 197). In another instance, an honorific inscription of Diadumenianus, the son of Macrinus, was dumped into the latrine of the vigiles (fire brigade and night watch) at Ostia after the overthrow of father and son. Given the circumstances, it is probable that the vigiles themselves were responsible for this act (p. 185). Some information exists about who or what governmental agency was responsible for carrying out the destruction, desecration, or removal of images after an official decree was issued. From the ancient literary evidence, it appears that the Senate usually ordered the official damnation (generally at the behest of the new princeps) by issuing a decree declaring an individual to be a hostis, or public enemy (see pp. 95, 109); on rare occasions, the new princeps himself issued the order, as in the case of Caracalla, who commanded the military to destroy images of his brother Geta on the death of their father, Septimius Severus, in 211 (p. 168). In another instance, the Senate was initially prevented by Claudius, the new princeps, from issuing an official decree of condemnation of his nephew Caligula. Instead, Claudius had Caligula's images (presumably those in Rome) removed under the cover of night and later allowed the Senate to order the melting down of senatorial coinage that bore Caligula's image. Any such decree obviously had its limitations, as demonstrated by the fact that many coins of the damned have come down to us. Nevertheless, as Varner notes, we find a number of interesting numismatic examples in which the images of the damned were either countermarked or chiseled off (as, for example, figs. 45, 110, 171a-e, 172a-c). Although damnatio might be a factor in some countermarking, we must be cautious here, since counter-marking was also used to revalidate a worn coin or as a sign of largess to soldiers. (8) Ninety-six percent of the copper coins lost by Varus's legionaries at the battle site of the Teutoburger Wald have countermarks, many of which are on or next to the head of Augustus. Such countermarking probably indicated a donative, or money gift (donativum, congiarium), to the troops on a special occasion. (9) A chiseled-off numismatic portrait, however, clearly signals a memoria damnata, although intentional damage of this sort was an ineffective form of damnation because of the great number of coins issued. A recall would have been impractical because of the constant demand for coinage in everyday life. As for the destruction of portrait images set up in public, we know that under Caracalla, Baebius Iucinus, the prefect of Egypt, carried out the order for Geta's damnation (pp. 168, 183). In Rome, after a decree was formally issued by the Senate, it would presumably have fallen to the aediles, who were in charge of the general care of the city (cura urbis), to oversee the destruction or removal of statues, including the cleanup of damaged and smashed images.
Throughout his book Varner explains what happened to a number of images of the condemned that were removed from public view but not mutilated or destroyed. Many of these were intentionally hidden away or warehoused for future use, sometimes immediately after the fall of the individual and sometimes many years later. Certain unrecut or unreworked portraits survived because they were forgotten until their discovery in modern times. For this reason it is important to know the findspot of a portrait, information that Varner provides when it is known. As he notes, in the Roman period many sculptural portrait heads were separately carved in good-quality marble and inserted into statue bodies, often in a lesser-quality marble or stone. (10) This workshop practice made it relatively easy to remove the head of one individual and replace it with another. However, such substitution, especially if the individual portrayed had not been condemned, was not without its risks, as we know in the case of Granius Marcellus, praetor of Bithynia, who was accused of treason at the outset of Tiberius's principate for doing just that. As recorded in the Annales (1.74) of the Roman historian Tacitus, a charge was brought against. Marcellus for removing the head of the deified Augustus from a statue body and replacing it with a head of Tiberius. This removal was probably somewhat analogous to changing the portrait of a president in an embassy after the election of a new president. In any case, the charge was dropped by Tiberius. Marcellus's action was either misinterpreted or more likely misrepresented by a subordinate intent on discrediting him. Nevertheless, the mere fact that such a charge was brought against a prominent. Roman magistrate would have dissuaded others from doing likewise in the future. What has not been considered in the case of Granius Marcellus is whether Tacitus was correct about the head's having been "amputated [statua amputato capite]." Since the incident took place long before in far-off Bithynia, Tacitus would not have had direct knowledge of all the details. Therefore, the portrait head of Augustus may have been shaped in the form of a tenon and simply removed from its mortise in the statue body, a less "violent" act than cutting it off a statue body. If, on the other hand, the head were secured (with or without cement) with a strong metal dowel in the tenon and mortise, it would probably have been cut off horizontally at the neck and then replaced with a new head that had a metal dowel inserted to secure it to the neck of the statue body. (11)
In late antiquity, various images were attacked for religious reasons--a subject not addressed by Varner--or suffered damage or destruction as a result of barbarian invasions. For example, we know that Christian fanatics in the late antique period willfully destroyed and mutilated all sorts of images, including earlier imperial portraits, whether or not they knew who was represented, because these images were thought to possess demons. Thus, a condemned person's portrait that escaped damage earlier may have been attacked later, in the Christian era, although we can rarely be certain of Christian culpability unless a sculpture was desecrated by having a cross or crosses carved into it. (12) Barring such unambiguous signs, and unless ruled out by the context or circumstances, it is more likely that defacement of a condemned person's portrait will have occurred shortly after his or her official or unofficial damnation. A case in point (not in Varner's book) is an over-life-size bronze portrait statue of a woman discovered in Sparta, now in the Athens National Museum, that was originally thought to have suffered mutilation at the hands of Christians. (13) A more recent study, though, identified this statue as a portrait of Plautilla, who was exiled and executed by her husband Caracalla, resulting in her damnation and the destruction or defacement of her images. (14) A portrait of Plautilla is more likely to have been attacked shortly after her death by followers of Caracalla than by Christians in a later era. If, conversely, an image of a person who was not condemned has come down to us intentionally defaced, it is quite possibly the handiwork of Christian zealots.
A consideration of Caligula's images in chapter 2 (pp. 21-45) gives the reader a sense both of the range of issues and problems that will be found in the rest of the book and of Varner's approach to them. An important work that unfortunately did not appear in time for inclusion in his study is Dietrich Boschung's Gens Augusta: Untersu-chungen zu Aufstellung, Wirkung und Bedeutung der Statuengruppen des julisch-claudischen Kaiserhauses (2002), which deals with the portraiture of Caligula and other members of the Julian and Julio-Claudian families. As Varner himself notes (p. 44), "Caligula's de facto damnatio memoriae effectively established appropriate paradigms for the destruction and alteration of the visual representations of the condemned emperors which would endure for the next three centuries of the empire." Caligula, of course, was not the first Roman to have his images removed or destroyed. (15) In the late Republic, for example, a marble portrait of Marc Antony in the J. Paul Getty Museum (not in Varner) appears to have been recut into an image of the deified Julius Caesar, (16) and portraits of Augustus's daughter Julia (Maior), who was exiled by her father, were undoubtedly removed from public view (pp. 86-88). We know from the inscriptional evidence that Julia had been honored throughout the empire with various images, though only one portrait of her is known to have survived--the front part of a head from Corinth that has rarely been published. (17) By contrast, several portraits of Augustus's sister Octavia, whose image was as popular as that of Julia, have been identified. (18) Many of Julia's portraits must have been removed from public display out of deference to her father, whom she disgraced (Varner, pp. 86-88). How these works were then treated is unknown, but none of them seems to have been recut into another's image, at least as far as can be determined.
At the outset of chapter 2, Varner briefly discusses the historical record for Caligula and his de facto damnation, rightly dismissing much of the nonsense that has been written about Caligula's supposed insanity. (19) It is said that he suffered an "unofficial damnation" because his successor, Claudius, for political reasons did not allow the Senate to condemn Caligula officially just after his death in 41. Two years later, the Senate formally--apparently without Claudius's opposition this time--ordered that "senatorial coinage" bearing Caligula's image (that is, S.C. bronze coins nominally under the control of the Senate) be recalled and melted down (Cassius Dio 60.22.3). No similar order was issued by Claudius recalling "imperial coinage" (that is, gold and silver state coinage) bearing Caligula's image. Despite the Senate's efforts, a number of S.C. senatorial coins with Caligula's image have come down to us, although some of these have been defaced or have the C (for Caius, or Gaius) of his praenomen obliterated in the coin's titulature (p. 24).
Concerning a group of imperial portraits that were set up in the public theater at Caere (Cerveteri), now in the Museo Gregoriano Profano in the Vatican, Varner asserts (p. 32) that the colossal head of Caligula, which was later recut into an image of the deified Augustus (fig. 18a-b), "attests to [Caligula's] innovations in portraiture policy through dissemination of his own likenesses in divine guise." However, since the head alone survives, there is no proof that Caligula had in fact been represented like a god. Even had he been so portrayed, the statues in the theater were set up not by him but by the municipality or a prominent private citizen of the town, (20) and so do not reflect Caligula's official policy. Similarly, during the lifetime of Augustus, godlike images were set up to Augustus, but not by him. (21) Tellingly, official inscriptions and imperial state coinage issued on the authority of Caligula are free of any of the trappings or claims of divinity that the hostile literary tradition attributes to him.
Of the more than forty-eight sculptural and glyptic portraits of Caligula to have been discovered thus far, Varner concludes (p. 25) that "well over half of Caligula's marble portraits have been altered into other likenesses." When portraits of Rome's principes were reworked, they were typically transformed into images of other principes, be they immediate or later successors or predecessors, especially those who had been deified. It is highly unlikely that a portrait of a princeps--condemned or not--would have been recut into an image of a private individual. Caligula's portraits, for example, were transformed into images of Augustus, Tiberius, Claudius, Titus, Claudius Gothicus, (22) and even, according to Varner, a god (the sun god Sol). He states (p. 34) that this last sculpture, a colossal head from Iol-Caesarea (Cherchel), in the archaeological museum in Algiers, (23) is "the only surviving likeness of a condemned emperor which seems clearly to have been transformed into the image of a deity (cat. 1.38)." It is by no means clear, however, that it was originally a portrait of Caligula, since the traces of hair locks at the back of the head indicate only some Julio-Claudian male. As noted above, some portraits were recycled years later, when the personage originally represented was no longer important in the dynastic ideology of Rome's new leadership.
Varner notes (pp. 36-37) that numerous sculptural portraits of Caligula, although removed and warehoused for later recutting or reworking, were never used. We know of a number of well-preserved portraits in the form of small bronze busts, (24) to the list of which may now be added an unpublished bust of Caligula in a private French collection (reproduced here as Figs. 1, 2). (25) Many fewer small busts in gold or silver survived, even if they represented principes who were deified or at least not damned, because of the intrinsic worth of the metals. The fact that almost half of Caligula's extant small bronze portraits came from the Tiber River strongly suggests that they were thrown into the river (as were criminals who perished in the Colosseum) as a sign of dishonor and, at the same time, as a way of disinfecting them, since water was considered a purifying agent. If small portraits of Caligula escaped the melting pots or were not mutilated or thrown into cisterns, wells, rivers, or harbors, then they may very well have come from a domestic setting. Their owners may have continued to keep them in their homes as a sign of loyalty or affection for Caligula, or they may have put them away for safekeeping, should the political winds shift. The same may be said for small gem-stones and cameos (such as figs. 37, 38), (26) which rarely reveal the mutilation of facial features, (27) not only because of their small size but also because their material was not recyclable. In an exceptional example, Caligula's image was recarved into that of Claudius in a large chalcedony cameo (5 3/4 inches, or 14.5 centimeters long, carved to a depth of about an inch, or 2.5 centimeters), now in the Runsthistorisches Museum in Vienna (p. 27, cat. no. 1.33, fig. 8a-b). Because of the high value of this cameo and its large size, its owner may have wanted to display it openly rather than hide it away, for which reason it made sense to refashion its imagery. Large gemstones or cameos also lend themselves more easily to recutting than small ones. Some of the sculptural portraits that Varner describes as recut from images of Caligula, as well as of other individuals, strike me as dubious examples of reworking. In more debatable cases, Varner should perhaps have been less definitive, since an important book of this sort will be consulted by nonspecialists who are not in a position to make their own judgments about whether or not something has been reworked. Among the questionable examples are two portraits of Augustus that Varner takes as recut from images of Caligula. The first is from the Palazzo dei Conservatori, presently in Centrale Montemartini (p. 31, cat. no. 1.11, fig. 17a-b). Stylistically, it is perhaps more likely that this head was produced as an Augustus in the Caligulan period. I do not agree with Varner that the parting of the hair over the inner corner of the left eye derives from a previous portrait of Caligula. This hairstyle is entirely consistent with Augustus's fifth portrait type ("Prima Porta" type), the type to which the Conservatori head belongs. (28) Moreover, I do not see (as Varner claims) an unnatural sloping of the forehead and recutting of the locks over the forehead and behind the lower part of the left ear. The distinctive forking of locks behind the left ear is characteristic of a number of replicas of Augustus's Type V, while some of the better-quality portraits of Caligula show a pincer in this area.
The second portrait of Augustus that does not seem to me to have been reworked from one of Caligula is in the Musee du Bardo in Tunis (p. 33, cat. no. 1.14, fig. 22a-c). In this instance, the entire back of the head appears to have been left roughly carved, with no trace of hair locks, however summarily rendered. It is also shaped in a way that further suggests that a separately carved veil was added to represent Augustus capite velalus. (29) The treatment of the back of the head resembles that of two unrecut images from the theater of Taranto, now in the National Archaeological Museum in Copenhagen: a portrait of Germanicus (inv. no. VIII. 305) and another probably of Drusus Minor or Nero Iulius (inv. no. VIII. 303), (30) In these examples a separately carved veil appears to have been added to the head, or a veil may have been part of the draped statue body into which the head was inserted. (31) The back of the head of the Taranto Germanicus has a large hole into which a metal dowel was probably inserted to stabilize the added marble veil. More of the locks are carved on either side of this head than in the case of the other portrait from Taranto. The degree of carving of the locks and the large hole at the back of the head of Germanicus find parallels in a portrait of Caligula from Aenona, now in the Museo Civico in Trieste, (32) which appears to have been cut down in modern times from a full-length togate statue.
One unavoidable dilemma in a book that deals with any aspect of Roman portraiture is the difficulty in identifying specific historical individuals. There can be considerable scholarly debate on this matter even when members of the same family are shown together, as on the famous Grand Camee de France in the Bibliotheque Nationale de France in Paris (pp. 75-76, 94). (33) Particularly troublesome is the identification of certain members of the Julian and Julio-Claudian families, as well as various principes and their families in the mid-third century (that is, ca. 235-84), when a number of leaders were overthrown in rapid succession. Individuals who suffered official or unofficial damnation but were in power for only a short time present even more problems, as in the case of Aemilian (p. 209), who was princeps for only a few months in 253 before both he and his wife Gaia Cornelia Supera were condemned.
Since few sculptural images survive with their inscriptions, we depend to a very large extent on labeled coins in identifying sculptural portraits of individuals. But coinage poses its own limitations, as it usually offers only a profile image, which often makes comparisons challenging. Nevertheless, for many of the principes of the third century, the only surely identifiable images are those on coins. An exception is the image of Balbinus on his sarcophagus--in fact, the only reliably identifiable surviving sarcophagus of a Roman princeps. Although Balbinus's body was mutilated and left exposed, (34) the figures of him and his wife on his sarcophagus were not attacked (p. 204). Unfortunately, even coinage ceases to be of much help in identifying portraits of the later third and the fourth century, because, with the growing preference for more abstract forms as the concept of leadership changed, numismatic images of the principes become virtually indistinguishable from one another.
Varner tracks changing attitudes and trends in the practice of mutilating, reworking, and recycling portraits of the condemned. He believes that the recutting of images from one personage to another lessens over the period from Caligula to Domitian and that in the second century imperial portraits were not immediately reworked after the damnation of an individual. Except for the recutting of Elagabalus's portraits into images of Severus Alexander, there is in fact little evidence for the immediate reworking of the image of one princeps into that of another in the third century. This practice reverts at the time of Constantine in the early fourth century, when images were again reworked just after the condemnation of an imperial personage. In those periods in which portraits were not immediately refashioned, we find ample evidence for the destruction, mutilation, and desecration of images. The reasons for these shifts are not always clear, although one factor might have been the ease or difficulty of reworking a particular individual's images. For example, Nero's rather full and fleshy face afforded a sculptor more latitude in recarving facial features, which might account for the recycling of more of Nero's portraits than of any other Roman princeps (p. 85). Conversely, certain types of hairstyles and/or beards may have been more difficult to recut, thus explaining the lack of reworking (but not of defacing) in certain periods. Some female coiffures resembled each other closely enough to allow for refashioning, as in a portrait of Agrippina Minor that was recut from an image of the condemned Messalina (p. 97, fig. 101a-d) or portrait statues of Constantine's mother, Helena, that were recut from images of Commodus's damned sister Lucilla (p. 150, figs. 150a-b, 151a-b). Portraits of Elagabalus may have been reworked into images of his cousin Severus Alexander just after Elagabalus's overthrow--unlike what we find before and after this period--because both shared some familial physiognomic features, were of approximately the same age, and had similar hairstyles (p. 190).
Statistics on the number of refashioned images may be somewhat deceptive. For example, Varner puts the number of reworked images of Caligula at forty-three, of Nero at fifty-three, and of Domitian at twenty-four. Even if he is correct in all these cases, without knowing how many portraits of each princeps were originally produced, we cannot know the percentage of surviving images or of those that were completely destroyed, recut, reworked, or transformed in some other way. Another factor that has to be considered is the number of portraits relative to the length of a given principate (for example, four years for Caligula, fourteen for Nero, and fifteen for Domitian) and at what rate portraits were produced over a particular principate. The fact that Nerva's principate lasted only two years and that almost all of his surviving images were refashioned from portraits of Domitian suggests that most recutting would have taken place at the beginning of a principate, when there was logically an immediate need for images of the new leader (p. 135). (35)
Most of the reworked portraits that have come down to us are in marble, but not in extremely hard stones like basalt and porphyry, which--with only one exception known to Varner (p. 123, cat. no. 5.26, fig. 127a-d) (36)--were not recut because of the difficulty in carving these hard stones. Metal images that were not simply melted down might be refashioned by replacing either the entire head at the level of the neck or the face only (that is, a masklike section). An excellent example of the latter is the bronze equestrian statue from Misenum, now in the Museo di Castello di Baia, in which Domitian's face was cut out and that of Nerva grafted on (pp. 120-22, fig. 123a-b), a relatively simple and practical form of ancient "face-lift." By comparison, it must have been a daunting task to replace the head or face of the great 120-foot-high bronze colossus of Nero that once stood in the vestibule of Nero's Domus Aurea (pp. 66-67, 216, 219). On the opposite end of the spectrum as far as size is concerned, gemstones and cameos were rarely altered from the portrait of one individual into that of another because of the complexity of working on a very small scale.
The issue of the reworking of images provokes much disagreement among scholars. As noted above, not all of the portraits that Varner takes as recut or otherwise reworked seem to me to have been refashioned. Since it is not feasible to give a personal analysis of each of the more problematic portraits that he discusses, I shall mention here only some of the difficulties involved in assessing whether or not an image has been reworked. In certain cases, the alterations of a portrait are unmistakable; in others, they are far more debatable, especially when judgment is based on photographs alone. The task is doubly complicated when there are no views of the back of the head, where telltale signs of recutting, reworking, or just summary or incomplete carving of details are commonly found. Although I am familiar with a number of the images presented by Varner, I would have to reexamine some of these and other portraits in person with a fresh eye in order to offer a fair assessment of his observations. There are instances where we cannot be sure of reworking because of the lack of a context or literary documentation to suggest the possibility of alteration. The first portrait that Varner represents (p. 16, fig. 1), a work that he considers a portrait of Ptolemy IX recut from an image of Ptolemy X after Ptolemy IX returned to power, illustrates several of these problems. Not addressed by Varner is the important question of whether this head might have been attacked sometime after it was recut. There is damage to both eyes, the nose, and part of the mouth, the very parts of a person's physiognomy that were most targeted by zealots. It is especially curious that both eyes and parts of the eyelids are seriously damaged, although there is no corresponding significant damage around these areas. Being further forward in the frontal plane, the eyebrows, in particular, would have been damaged if the portrait had suffered an accidental injury. Deliberate assault therefore seems to be a real possibility, perhaps by followers of Ptolemy X or by Christians, who were actively mutilating or destroying images in the late antique period in Egypt.
Of particular interest are several images of Caligula that managed to escape such attack. An Egyptian-style relief from Dendera, representing Caligula in pharaonic dress, survives unmutilated in situ (pp. 5-6, 40). Varner rightly observes that the survival of two sculptural images of Caligula from the agora of Gortyn (Crete) indicates the likelihood that others similarly were not destroyed or removed after his assassination but continued to be displayed. (37) One of the Gortyn portraits, a head cut for insertion into a statue body, is totally undamaged; the other, a togate statue, has sustained minor damage to the nose and small sections of the toga, such as occurs accidentally. The two portraits from Gortyn were very likely part of a dynastic group of images, but they alone (contrary to Varner's view, p. 43) could, of course, have been removed from their respective statue cycles. Although Caligula was maligned by biased Roman aristocratic and Jewish writers, his name survives unmutilated in inscriptions found throughout the empire. The same appears to be true for Domitian; Varner's report (p. 132) that 40 percent of the 400 surviving texts and inscriptions from the Domitianic period show signs of Domitian's name having been erased after his damnation signifies, of course, that 60 percent were not erased. Moreover, I doubt that we can automatically conclude, as does Varner (p. 41), that the "rather sparse evidence for epigraphic erasure further underscores the fact that Caligula's portraits were the primary targets of the damnatio." In any case, physical and archaeological evidence can be used to balance an otherwise extremely hostile ancient literary tradition that gives the impression that officially and unofficially damned individuals were universally detested.
In Varner's opinion, the majority of undefaced portraits of the condemned had been set aside for later recutting or reworking. It seems to me, however, that such a conclusion is generally merited only when images were being stored in a sculptor's workshop. Unfortunately, we usually lack this sort of archaeological context or any information about the circumstances under which things came to be removed from public. view. Certain works would have been intentionally hidden by supporters to preserve them from destruction. Some of Rome's condemned principes were popular among the Roman lower classes both before and after their death. (38) After Nero's suicide, for example, the phenomenon of pseudo-Neros popping up in the East reminds us of Elvis sightings in our own day. In short, we should not assume that there was any sort of empire-wide systematic destruction or removal of images and inscribed names of Roman leaders and members of their family who were officially or unofficially condemned in Rome. In various parts of the empire, everyday life continued with little notice or concern for the political situation in far-off Rome. What mattered most to the inhabitants of the empire was that there was peace and stability, enabling them to conduct their affairs according to their traditions. The imperial Roman system of government guaranteed these benefactions to those who behaved in a civilized manner, with the negative effects of the idiosyncrasies and tyrannical behavior of certain leaders by and large confined to the city of Rome.
Varner notes (p. 11) that "the wide range and variation of coiffure and physiognomy among recut images ... underscore the innate diversity present in the portraiture of any given emperor." For a number of principes there is, in fact, debate about how many portrait prototypes were commissioned during their lifetimes, the evidence based on surviving sculptural replicas reflecting lost models. For example, it was long believed that only three official portrait types of Augustus existed, but more recent studies now suggest five, with subtypes. (39) In addition, the chronological order in which prototypes were created may be in dispute. (40) In identifying siblings in extant images, it may even be difficult to distinguish which portrait type represents which individual at a given age because of physical or even fictive similitude, as in the case of two designated successors, who, as principes iuventutis, were typically likened to the Castores/Dioskouroi in imperial ideology. Geta and Caracalla, for example, can be easily differentiated in their first boyhood portrait types ("Thronfolgertypus I"), but it is very difficult to tell them apart in their second portrait types ("Thronfolgertypus II"). However, circumstantial evidence for distinguishing between the two brothers in their second portrait types is provided by the damnation of Geta by Caracalla after the death of their father, Septimius Severus, in 211, resulting in the survival of relatively few images of Geta. (41) For those who are not portrait specialists, it is important in considering refashioned images to be aware of the sorts of problems inherent in studying ancient portraiture and the lack of agreement among scholars on a number of issues. Varner does not consistently point out such debate.
A great deal of the variation seen in portrait features can be attributed to the different abilities and interests of individual carvers and their workshop traditions. For example, a head of Augustus in the Ny Carlsberg Glyptotek (inv. no. 746; fig. 21a-d) does not particularly look like him, at least based on the best extant replicas of his principal official portrait types, but its iconographic hairstyle may situate it as a subtype of his fourth type. (42) A lack of resemblance alone is therefore not sufficient reason to conclude that a portrait has been reworked, even though a great number of recut images of Rome's condemned principes and members of their family show some compromise in the way that facial features and hairstyles are rendered. Reworking must still always be considered a possibility in such cases, especially since it may help answer questions about the authenticity of some works that in the past have been dismissed as fakes because of oddly rendered features. In some rare--and more complicated--cases, a portrait may even have undergone recutting at two different times, thus reflecting the features of three individuals instead of the usual two. One such example is a cuirassed portrait statue of Nero in the Museo Nazionale d'Antichita in Parma that was first recut into a likeness of Domitian, only to be reworked after Domitian's assassination and official damnation into an image of Nerva (p. 117, fig. 161a-e).
Given the compromises in facial features that often result from recutting, Varner might profitably have addressed the question of whether or not Romans were primarily interested in reproducing an individual's actual facial characteristics fairly accurately, even if in a somewhat ennobled form. To be sure, some Romans considered such similitude very important; (43) others, apparently, did not. A number of Republican grave monuments, for example, show rather stereotypical "veristic" images that have more to do with workshop traditions and production than the actual portrait features of the deceased. (44) Moreover, the majority of provincials living far from Rome probably would not have cared about accuracy in the representation of the princeps' portrait features. For those who were interested in knowing who was portrayed, (45) most images bore an identifying inscription, about which even the illiterate could inquire. In an extreme case of renaming, a statue of Orestes--undoubtedly an ideal type--that stood before the entrance to the Heraion in Mycenae was identified as Augustus by the inscription on its base. (46) Clearly, economics often outweighed the need for exactitude in portrait features and/or hairstyle. Of course, the princeps himself would not usually have commissioned recut portraits since he had no need to save money in this way and since marble quarries, which were generally under his control, would have provided ample "fresh" material for his images. (47)
Another complicating factor that Varner neglects is the matter of Zeitgesicht (temporal visage), that is, the representation of a private individual as resembling an important contemporary personage in facial features and/or hairstyle. At one time, for example, a head of Vespasian in the Cleveland Museum of Art (p. 53, cat. no. 2.17, fig. 49a-e) was dismissed as one of his portraits, largely because of its lack of conformity to one of his known iconographic hairstyles, and was taken instead as an example of Zeitgesicht. (48) Subsequently, a careful "autopsy" of the Cleveland head showed that this image had been recut from one belonging to Nero's last portrait type. (49) When reworking is not so clear, consideration should always be given to whether or not a portrait might be an example of Zeitgesicht rather than of alteration from the image of another. In conclusion: it is frequently difficult to know why or when certain portraits were mutilated, altered so as to leave no physical trace of the former image, removed to be buried, recarved into the image of a successor or even a deified predecessor, or left standing, sometimes as part of an imperial statuary cycle. The types and costs of materials used in making images, as well as their size and the contexts in which they were displayed, could all play an important role in determining the fate of a particular portrait. Varner's exploration of these issues in this thought-provoking book constitutes a significant contribution to the study of Roman portraiture and iconoclasm, with special reference to the power of images and the kinds of responses they elicited in Roman society. These are matters that have implications for broader questions about the important role of portraiture in human history.
JOHN POLLINI is professor of classical art and archaeology at the University of Southern California [Department of Art History, Von Kleinsmid Center 351, University of Southern California, Los Angeles, Calif. 90089-0047].
Notes
1. See, for example, Friedrich Vittinghoff's Der Staatsfeind in der romischen Kaiserzeit: Untersuchungen zur Damnatio Memoriae (Berlin: Junker und Dunnhaupt, 1936); Horst Blanck, Wiederverwendung alter Statuen als Ehrendenkmaler bei Griechen und Romern (Rome: L'Erma di Bretschneider, 1969); Hans Jucker, "Iulisch-claudische Kaiser- und Prinzenportrats als 'Palimpseste,'" Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts 96 (1981): 236-316; Marianne Bergmann and Paul Zanker, "'Damnatio Memoriae': Umgearbeitete Nero- und Domitiansportrats," Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts 96 (1981): 317-411; John Pollini, "Damnatio Memoriae in Stone: Two Portraits of Nero Recut to Vespasian in American Museums," American Journal of Archaeology 88 (1984): 547-55; Thomas Pekary, Das romische Kaiserbildnis in Staat, Kult und Gesellschaft, Das romische Herrscherbild, vol. 3, no. 5 (Berlin: Gebruder Mann, 1985); and Michael Planner, "Uber das Herstellen von Portrats: Ein Beitrag zu Ratio-nalisierungsmassnahmen und Produktions-mechanismen von Masseware im spaten Hellenismus und in der romischen Kaiserzeit," Jahrbuch des Deutschen Archaologischen Instituts 104 (1989): 157-257. Varner himself has dealt with these topics in several articles (see under his bibliography) and in a notable exhibition catalog that he edited, From Caligula to Constantine: Tyranny and Transformation in Roman Portraiture (Atlanta: Michael C. Carlos Museum, 2000).
2. For example, the use of the name of the god Dionysus for Dionysius, the ruler of Syracuse (p. 15); Catullus for Catulus (consul 78 BCE, p. 16); (Baebius) Iuncius (p. 168) and Iuncinus (p. 183) for Iucinus; "vigili" (Italian) for the Latin vigiles (fire brigade and night watch, p. 185).
3. See especially David Freedberg, The Power of Images: Studies in the History and Theory of Response (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), esp. 405-21.
4. Donald B. Redford, Akhenaten: The Heretic King (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1984), 225-31.
5. See, for example, Carl N. Reeves, Akhenaten, Egypt's False Prophet (New York: Thames and Hudson, 2001), 167-69.
6. Redford, 204-11, 226.
7. See also John Pollini, The Portraiture of Gaius and Lucius Caesar (New York: Fordham University Press, 1987), 13, 62, 66-67, 101, cat. no. 20, with earlier bibliography.
8. See, for example, C. H. V. Sutherland, Roman History and Coinage 44 B.C.-A.D. 69 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1987), 43-44.
9. For these countermarked coins from the Teu-toburger Wald (Kalkrieser-Niewedder Senke), see "Munzfunde in Kalkriese," www.geschichte.uni-osnabrueck.de/projekt/7/7a.html.
10. The join was often concealed with marble-dust stucco, the edge of the statue body's carved drapery or cuirass, | | |